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ZacTeen has not verified his photos yet Please note that we don't verify each and every photo separately and we can't give any guarantees. ZacTeen's Reviews. However, as the station expanded, and became more secure, the Company established systems to deal with KhoiSan indirectly through officially appointed patriarchs.
This indirect mode of rule was not always effective. While some polities were thus brought under Company control, patriarchs were known to change their allegiances, and many groups continued to resist Company rule, and moved out of its immediate reach. An important consequence of this mode of indirect rule was that the Company failed to develop systematic laws and institutions for those KhoiSan who were increasingly drawn into the Colony, mainly as workers.
Colonial Expansion, Labour and the KhoiSan Worker Throughout the eighteenth century, settlement and colonial expansion steadily undermined the independence of KhoiSan communities, and the KhoiSan were increasingly compelled to work for free- burghers. They became the primary source of labour for the stock-farming sector on the colonial borderlands.
Yet, unlike other labourers in the Colony, there were no specific codes used to regulate KhoiSan workers. Rather, the status of KhoiSan workers was legally ambiguous. This had two notable consequences. First, labour relations between KhoiSan workers and their free-burgher masters were more negotiable and varied. This was especially true of the first half of the eighteenth century.
Second, KhoiSan workers were only partially integrated into colonial institutions, and then primarily as a criminal underclass. In addition to a fort and garden, a basic administration was established to rule the new settlement at the Cape. The station was initially run by Company servants, the majority of which were low-ranking sailors and soldiers. These men, mostly recruited from northern Europe, were bound by four-to-seven year contracts. They were subject to a regimented system of coercive control that cut across the Company, supported by 7 Worden, Van Heyningen and Bickford-Smith, Sailors and soldiers could be beaten by their officers for minor offences.
More disorderly acts committed at sea, such as sodomy, desertion, or mutiny, which were punishable by death, were tried by a Brede Raad general council , which consisted of merchants and officers of a particular fleet. These codes were also supported by the criminal justice system, and more serious offences and disorderly acts were tried by criminal courts. Under the VOC there was no pretence of equality under the law, or of a common citizenship.
The legal system was consciously and explicitly based on entrenching and maintaining hierarchies and inequalities of class and status. The most gruesome and violent punishments were reserved for slaves. For instance, they could be broken on the wheel, burnt alive, or have their heels and noses cut off.
Although the Cape was supposed to serve as a refreshment port, the Colony was dependent on supplies from the Netherlands and Batavia. The Company was keen to promote the farming of fresh fruit and vegetables, with limited costs, and from , respectable Company servants could apply to be released from their contracts to farm, and were awarded the status of free-burghers free citizens.
He notes that in Bois-le-Duc citizens included all those born or baptised within the town, while in Deventer, only children born of citizens were assured citizenship. Yet, in general, citizenship offered membership to guilds which monopolised the trade and production of goods , and a trial by local courts. Although citizens could be elected to office in some cities, Prak argues that the administration of municipalities was still controlled by the aristocracy and political representation was limited.
In return for these privileges, citizens were expected to pay taxes, and participate in the protection and policing of the city. Regardless of the various legal parameters, it was primarily the urban middle-classes who honed burhgership into a distinct identity — separating them from the poor, foreigners, and Jews — and who mobilised as citizens to make political claims. For instance, the obligations of burghers were construed as tasks that only those who earned a decent living and who were autonomous from a lord or master could carry out.
This could be seen in the case of citizen militias, a highly contested institution, which became central to the notion of citizenship in the Netherlands, as the power of guilds declined. In the colonial context of the Cape, burgher status was conferred on more modest men and their wives, who would not be regarded as proper citizens by the urban middle classes in the Dutch Republic. The autonomy of Cape burghers was quite limited. Burghers were also obliged to sell their produce to the 8 P. Giliomee, eds. In addition, they were expected to provide military service, an obligation that would fuel resentment towards the Company.
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In sharp contrast to the attempts to exclude KhoiSan from the Colony, Cape free-burghers did gain privileged access to state, and social resources. Almost all were low-ranking Company servants, and the change in legal status allowed them to elevate their class position.
From as early as , Cape burghers were also given some political representation. Two later three burgher representatives were incorporated onto the Council of Policy when cases involving burghers were heard. The creation of free-burgers laid the basis for extensive settlement, and the economy diversified. They mainly relied on the labour of privately-owned slaves. Although the Company retained a few farms and outposts, agriculture was soon dominated by free- burghers.
From the s, intensive agriculture was replaced with extensive agriculture, leading to the establishment of new farming districts Stellenbosch, Paarl, Franschhoek, Tijgerberg, Wagenmakers Valley, the Land of Waveren, and Paardeberg. Farmers mostly grew grapes, for wine production as well as grain, and there were also a few farmers engaged in mixed faming, which included cultivation and stock farming.
Government administration was extended to the new, rural districts. The heemraden was able to deal with minor civil cases, involving disputes in which claims did not exceed fifty rixdollars, and the landdrost was expected to prosecute those crimes committed in his district before the Court of Justice. A small number of KhoiSan workers worked on these farms, or were hired as temporary workers during peak production periods, but this sector was heavily reliant on slave labour. Such slaves were privately owned, and as this sector of farming grew and became more prosperous, the number of slaves in the Colony steadily increased.
Slave holdings remained relatively small, especially when compared to the plantation economies of the Americas, and few farmers in the Cape owned more than fifty slaves at a time. By , there were approximately slaves in the Colony, outnumbering the free-burgher inhabitants. Individual slave owners exercised direct authority over their slaves, but they were still bound by Company rules and regulations.
Owners could punish their slaves in most instances, but the Court recognised slaves as human and presided over their lives and limbs. Only the Court could order restraints such as leg-irons, or the torture and death of dissidents, and slave owners who overstepped the bounds of acceptable forms of punishment for slaves could face censure. However, the implementation of slave regulations was mediated through local power relations. Leading slave-owners, or the landed gentry, resented such Company restrictions.
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In practice, this meant that honourable slave owners were not heavily penalised by the court for their violent excesses against slaves 10 J. Armstrong and N. Stock farming required substantially less capital and labour than arable farming.
There was a subsequently rapid increase in the number of stock farmers. In , there were approximately stock farmers. By , this number had grown to The VOC progressively lost control of land allocation on the expanding frontier, where burghers transformed commons into private property through occupation, retroactively ratified by land titles granted by the VOC. Although government was extended with the establishment of new districts, the colonial borderlands, or frontier, proved much more difficult to govern.
It is here that free-burghers interfaced with surrounding KhoiSan and other African communities, as well as new multi-racial communities constituted by fugitives, and runaways from the Colony, and surrounding societies.
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No one particular group was able to establish outright political or cultural dominance. Economic competition was fierce, and inhabitants resorted to violent strategies of accumulation based on illicit cattle raiding, or hunting to gain an advantage. There were a few rich stock farmers, but most free-burgher stock farmers were fairly modest pastoralists, and were easily ruined when surrounding African, or multi-racial fugitive communities retaliated with counter raids and attacks. Some stock farmers owned one or two slaves. However, free-burgers in this sector were mostly dependent on the labour of KhoiSan, who were skilled in handling animals.
Traditionally, KhoiSan used relations of dependency and clientelism within their own societies to acquire dogs, cattle, or weapons, but such relationships remained fluid. Now, even when forced to find work in VOC-controlled territory, KhoiSan attempted to retain some independence by refusing to enter into long-term contracts. Since such workers often returned to their kin and communities after their contracts, they became migrant labourers of a sort. Communities often moved to secure the best pasturage for their animals, making KhoiSan migrants doubly mobile.
Although an increasingly important source of labour for the Colony, these KhoiSan workers did not conform to official categories — be they Company servant, burgher, slave, convict, or subjugated KhoiSan under a loyal Company patriarch — and had no clear legal status. In the absence of any official codes for KhoiSan workers, it was left to masters and servants to negotiate instruments of control. On the more open frontier, some KhoiSan workers were able to assert more traditional KhoiSan practices of dependency, in relation to their burgher masters.